Lane in fact concludes that, ‘the outcome of Venetian-Genoese rivalry was not to depend on superiority in seamanship or naval operations’. Concina found mention of an ‘arsana’ at Venice in 1206 but it is clear that for much of the thirteenth century the building of all types of ships took place in many small yards all over the city. Perroy, the distinguished French writer, states that victory at Sluys ‘secured to the victor the command of the sea … but it was a success without decisive effect’.32 As he goes on to explain Edward still had to conquer France by land and lacked the means to achieve this. No mention is made in Vegetius of the two fireraising methods that were widely used at sea. Davies, C.S.L., ‘The alleged sack of Bristol: international ramifications of Breton privateering, 1484–5’, Historical Research, 67, 1994. The Romans had ships rowed by slaves which tried to slam each other. In Genoa there are early references to shipbuilding at Sarzano outside the first city walls15 and by Caffaro to ‘scarii’ on the shore of the bay. Davis, R.C., Shipbuilders of the Venetian Arsenal, Baltimore, Johns Hopkins University Press, 1991. 21 D. Nicholas, Medieval Flanders, London and New York, Longman, 1992, pp. 18 Fulcher of Chartres, History of the Expedition to Jerusalem, quoted in J.H. Later on in the sixteenth century this was further developed with the specialist cultivation of trees to produce knees, the shaped curved timbers needed for the frames to support deck timbers. This event is described in one of the poems of Laurence Minot in dramatic terms. (ed. The last major naval battle in which galleys were employed was the Battle of Lepanto II, fought off the coast of southwestern Greece on October 7, 1571, between the Ottoman Turks, under the command of Ali Pala (died 1616), and the Christian forces, under the command of Don Juan de Austria (1547-1578), half-brother of King Philip II of Spain (1527-1598). 12 E. Concina (ed. The warship at sea was likened to the warhorse on land and, like the warhorse, the warship was bred for fighting. His squadron from Acre was surprised by Christian raiding parties; five ships were taken and the rest fled back towards Beirut pursued by the Frankish galleys. ‘La marine au siège de Calais’, Bibliothèque des écoles de Chartes, 58, 1897; 80, 1994. It is printed in Hattendorf et al., British Naval Documents 1204–1960, 20, pp. 126–9 and in N. Fourquin, ‘A medieval shipbuilding estimate (c.1273)’ The Mariner’s Mirror, 84, 1999, pp. These included the provisions that even noble officers must be experienced seamen while the sailing masters of the galleys must have knowledge of winds and ports in order to pilot the ships.10 In his Chronicle, Ramon Muntaner, writing of the 1280s and 1290s, also puts forward a scheme for royal dockyards for the Crown of Aragon. Edited by This did not mean that the waters which divided them were peaceful and undisturbed, the preserve only of merchant ships and fishermen. 461–7 prints the log of Lecavalla’s galley for this expedition. 7 E. Concina, L’Arsenale dell Republica di Venezia, Milan, Electa, 1984. Y. Lev, ‘The Fatimid navy: Byzantium and the Mediterranean Sea 909–1036 C.E./297–427 A.H.’, Byzantion, 54, 1984. The battle of Porto Longo was followed by a peace treaty which merely bound both Genoese and Venetians to cease trading to Tana for three years and exhorted them to cease attacks on each other’s shipping. G. Hutchinson, Medieval Ships and Shipping, London, Leicester University Press, 1994. 148 BIBLIOGRAPHY Tinniswood, J.T., ‘English galleys, 1272–1377’, The Mariner’s Mirror, 35, 1949. 217–23 containing the deposition of Constantino Lercari who was present. When the Venetian muda arrived it included war galleys as well as trading ships and forced its way into the harbour apparently breaking the chain across the entrance. Lucas, ‘John Crabbe: Flemish pirate, merchant and adventurer’, Speculum, 20, 1945, pp. Pryor, ‘The naval battles of Roger of Lauria’, p. 196. In Venice it is noticeable that, by the middle of the thirteenth century the organisation of a fleet whether for commercial or warlike purposes, was a public matter;1 the protection and promotion of Venetian interests, which were widely construed to include the economic interests of the city state, was accepted as the responsibility of the Signoria. On this occasion there was no doubt that the outcome of a naval battle had had great strategic importance. The dangers were not confined to the south coast, however; northern ports were threatened by the Scots and their allies and the enemy could also appear off Orwell and other towns on the east coast and as far west as Bristol. This aid was forthcoming because of the seeming advantage to France in the restoration of the Lancastrians and their adherence to an alliance against Burgundy. These do not seem like the actions of a completely demoralised fleet nor a totally incompetent commander. The earlier Muslim conquests had broken the Byzantine Empire’s domination of the sailing routes most convenient and practical for any vessel of the day whether a peaceful trader or a warship. cit., p. 6. cit. 20 J.H. A.S.V. He does point out, however, that the patterns of prevailing winds and currents in the Mediterranean, combined with the fact that sailing was virtually confined to the summer months between April and October, meant that ships on trading voyages could be reliably found at certain ‘pinch points’ on their routes at well known times.7 The effect of this was that an opposing fleet need only be ‘on station’ for a short time to have a good chance of taking a high proportion of the enemy’s trading vessels. 23 The word used by Mocenigo here is investir. The Destruction of Army Group Center, 1944. In the West the same period saw the rise of an aggressive and expanding state, the combined realm of Aragon-Catalonia, whose rulers fully appreciated the value of naval power but who employed it with greatest effect not against 52 C H R I S T I A N S, M U S L I M S A N D C RU S A D E R S Muslim powers but against the house of Anjou. Pryor, ‘The naval battles of Roger of Lauria’, Journal of Medieval History, 9, 1983, p. 179. OXFORD C S, MEDIEVAL WARFARE GARLAND MEDIEVAL BIBLIOGRAPHIES VOLUME 21 GARLAND REFERENCE LIBRARY OF THE HUMANITIES VOLUME 2224 By the mid fourteenth century the Aragonese naval ordinances of the Admiral Bernat de Cabrera stipulated that the normal complement of a galley should include 156 oarsmen, 30 crossbowmen, and 30 ‘others’ including the officers, a total of 223 men. Biscuit was baked in, among other places, Bulgaria. Notes 1 A.M. Fahmy, Muslim Sea Power in the Eastern Mediterranean from the Seventh to the Tenth Centuries, London, Tipografia Don Bosco, 1950, pp. The question of crews was certainly a long term problem. In 1355 the vicomte de Rouen (not the keeper of the clos des galées) was ordered to provide provisions for 10 royal galleys, five barges and three bargots. The aim of the Scots, from 1306 led by Robert Bruce, was to cut the English maritime supply routes and thus fatally impede the ability of their army to fight a successful campaign. The derivation of the term ‘arsenal’, (usually in this region meaning shipyard rather than munitions or arms store) from the Arabic dar al-sina’a meaning ‘house of work’ is widely accepted. The Balearic Islands, in Muslim hands, had long been the base of raiders who could prey very effectively on trading vessels from the North Italian cities, Provence and Catalonia. cit., vol. From the point of view of a naval historian several aspects of this situation from 1379 to its resolution in the defeat of the Genoese in late 1380 need emphasis. There is no sign of any money being available to do this. The other four officers would each have one quarter of the available men and would have responsibility for the defence of their area and the deployment of the artillery. The open sea was not, however, completely outside the operation of the law. Mackay, A., Spain in the Middle Ages, London, Macmillan, 1977. Meloni, G., Genova e Aragona all epoca di Pietro il Ceremonioso, 3 vols, Padova, CEDAM, 1971. Most Bulgarian and Serb lands were now ruled by the Ottomans with the Byzantine Empire confined to small areas around their cities of Salonica and Constantinople. This fleet faced considerable initial difficulties in assembling all its forces. The Aragonese fleet was originally intended to be half this size but Peter III agreed to fit out 15 armed galleys when the Castilians increased their commitment to 30. Between 1416–19, 36 ships of various kinds were in the possession of the Crown, some for relatively short periods, and over £12,00017 were received both from the Exchequer and from other sources for their maintenance. Medieval Warfare V.5 with Naval warfare and piracy in the Middle Ages The medieval era is not usually known for its naval battles, but the Vikings, Byzantines and many others showed the value of taking to … 30 Hattendorf et al., British Naval Documents, p. 43. This occurred mostly in two periods; between 1338–45 and between 1377–80. It does not, however, alter the basic fact that, given the experience of other invaders, albeit operating on a somewhat smaller scale, William had every right to hope to get ashore unopposed. Gillingham has associated the granting of a royal charter to Portsmouth in May 1194 with the establishment of the town as a base for military operations across the Channel. Babcock and A.C. Krey), New York, Columbia University Press, 1943. In her view, the French crown had no intention of maintaining a fleet ‘always ready to go to sea’. The coastal waters of Syria and Palestine became a centre of naval activity, both commercial and warlike in nature. The Kingdom of Castile had had control of the north coast along the shores of the Bay of Biscay from the time of its union with Galicia in 1230. Luce, S. W.L. To the ordinary seafarer, ship-owner or trader, the period from the summer of 1435, when the Burgundians abandoned their alliance with England, followed shortly by the recapture of Dieppe by the French, must have been characterised by an increase in the dangers apparently inherent in seaborne trade. This has led to the suspicion that in some chronicles the accounts of the two engagements are conflated. round ship A vessel the hull of which generally has a high freeboard and which has a relatively low ratio between its length and its beam. If, allowing for some slippage in the manning scales laid down above, we calculate that each had a crew of some 200 men, around 8000 men had to be provided for.41 The nearest Castilian base was in the Guadalquivir river while, of course, supplies from Aragon involved a much longer journey. 55 R. Muntaner, Chronicle, p. 192. 28 W. Hamblin, ‘The Fatimid navy during the early Crusades’, p. 79. This time, however, the Genoese made alliances with Hungary, which was in dispute with Venice over the control of the coast of Dalmatia and Padua, a city which had no wish to be absorbed into Venetian territory on the terra firma. De Bofarull y Mascaró, P., Coleccion de documentos inéditos del archivo general de la Corona de Aragon, Barcelona, no publ., 1847. By 1420, the largest and 87 M E D I E VA L N AVA L WA R FA R E , 1 0 0 0 – 1 5 0 0 newest of all Henry’s ships, the Gracedieu, was ready to put to sea under the overall command of the earl of Devon. The next morning the Castilians set fire to the English ships and all were burnt out with Pembroke, some other lords and the treasure chests falling into their hands. It is reasonable to suppose that the five galleys who fled from the scene were the galie grosse, perhaps laden with merchandise and booty. 41 C. Bréard, op. Hattendorf, J.B., R.J.B. cit., pp. cit., p. 90. All were fought off shore in relatively sheltered waters; this is a common characteristic of virtually all naval warfare at this period. William, Archbishop of Tyre, A History of Deeds Done Beyond the Sea, (trans. Hooper, N., ‘Some observations on the navy in late Anglo-Saxon England’, in C. Harper-Bill, C.J. 31 S. Rose, ‘Bayonne and the King’s ships, 1204–1420’, The Mariner’s Mirror, 86, 2000, pp. ), Gesta Henrici Quinti, or the Deeds of Henry V, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1975. The Jesus was built at the first in 1416 and the George, a balinger, on the Rother between 1416 and 1420. Morris, The English Government at Work 1327–1336, Cambridge, MA, Medieval Academy of America, 1940. Lloyd, op. S. Luce), Paris, Société de l’Histoire de France, 1888, vol. The commander of this ship may have been a Turkish ghazi, (corsair) in the service of the Sultan called Burak Reis. Arnaldi, Girolamo, Giorgio Greco and Alberto Tenenti, Storia di Venezia dalle Origine alla caduta della Serenissima: Vol. I, pp. As the merchants from each city strove to increase their influence with their trading partners and extend their trading networks they had no wish to give way to their rivals but rather 101 M E D I E VA L N AVA L WA R FA R E , 1 0 0 0 – 1 5 0 0 wished to oust them from the area. At the very end of the 118 V E N E T I A N S, G E N O E S E A N D T U R K S century corsairs from Valencia preyed on French shipping as part of the reaction to the French invasion of Italy. Aragonese galley accounts have been published in D.P. In the hold, the fifth officer and his men would attempt to stop leaks caused by the enemy’s guns or by the shock of collision. At the harbour mouth there were ‘two fine towers’, with ‘chains stretching from one to the other’. and J. Simons (eds), The Poems of Laurence Minot, 1333–1352, Exeter, University of Exeter Press, 1989. The wood came from the forest of Rommare and the master shipwright was Antoine Blegier who was assisted by a master caulker, Constance de Rodes, described as a foreigner along with his 16 assistants. Some had to be adapted for the transport of large numbers of horses. 41 C.F. 134 G L O S S A RY Glossary after castle A built up structure at the stern of a vessel originally temporary for use in battle but soon incorporated into the vessel’s structure. The Welsh princes, even if not themselves able to use a fleet against the English, were well aware that Edward I needed access to supplies brought by sea to confirm his conquest of their lands. 1, 660–1649, London, HarperCollins, 1997, p. xxv. Pryor sums this action up as, ‘another triumph for Lauria’s tactics and handling of his fleet as a controlled unit, for the discipline of the fleet and for the fighting qualities of his crossbowmen and almugavars’.63 Lauria certainly deserves the credit for the victory even if in strategic terms it made little difference to the course of the war as a whole but the evidence for his tactical skill, as a fleet commander, is suspect. Anderson, R.C., ‘The Bursledon Ship’, The Mariner’s Mirror, 20, 1934. His attempt in 1383 collapsed perhaps due to the failings of his Scots allies. Lauria had returned from Apulia at the urgent entreaty of Peter III when the French invaded his territory. Byrne, E.H., Genoese Shipping in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries, Cambridge, MA, Harvard University Press, 1930. S. Rose (ed. The engagement between an English squadron carrying the newly appointed Lieutenant of Aquitaine, the Earl of Pembroke and 12 Castilian galleys in the vicinity of La Rochelle in 1372 involved the same protagonists but with a different result. There is often a somewhat suspicious similarity in the detail of incidents recorded as occurring at quite different times and in different circumstances. His title is significant: the ships were his concern, not any particular location and the surviving documents make plain that work for royal ships was carried out in many different places, in differing circumstances. Galleys prepared for war were sought in time of need, usually being merchant galleys with increased numbers of armed men on board. Other islands in the Aegean were ruled by Venetian noble houses but were not part of the territory of the Serenissima. No modern trading vessel, even if requisitioned as a transport, in any way resembles a warship. S. McGrail, Ancient Boats in North-West Europe: The Archaeology of Water Transport to AD 1500, London and New York, Longman, second edition, 1998. xvi I N T RO D U C T I O N Introduction To modern historians, the phrase ‘naval warfare’ conjures up a picture of a fleet action or of patrols, and blockades. mangonel A machine used in warfare to project missiles, usually stones. 1650–1830 Richard Harding The Soviet Military Experience Roger R. Reese Vietnam Spencer C. Tucker The War for Independence and the Transformation of American Society Harry M. Ward The First Punic War J. F. Lazenby War and the State in Early Modern Europe: Spain, The Dutch Republic and Sweden as Fiscal-military States, 1500–1660 Jan Glete Frontiersmen: Warfare in Africa Since 1950 Anthony Clayton Warfare and Society in Europe, 1792–1914 Geoffrey Wawro German Armies: War and German Politics, 1648–1806 Peter H. Wilson Warfare at Sea, 1500–1650 Jan Glete The Great War 1914–1918 Spencer C. Tucker Israel’s Wars, 1947–1993 Ahron Bregman The Korean War: No Victors, No Vanquished Stanley Sandler Medieval Chinese Warfare, 300–900 David A. Graff Medieval Naval Warfare, 1000–1500 Susan Rose Modern Chinese Warfare, 1795–1989 Bruce A. Elleman Modern Insurgencies and Counter-insurgencies: Guerrillas and their Opponents since 1750 Ian F. W. Beckett Warfare in Atlantic Africa, 1500–1800: Maritime Conflicts and the Transformation of Europe John K. Thornton Warfare, State and Society in the Byzantine World, 565–1204 John Haldon War in the Early Modern World, 1450–1815 Jeremy Black Wars of Imperial Conquest in Africa, 1830–1914 Bruce Vandervort Western Warfare in the Age of the Crusades, 1000–1300 John France Medieval Naval Warfare 1000–1500 Susan Rose London and New York First published in 2002 by Routledge 11 New Fetter Lane, London EC4P 4EE Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada by Routledge 29 West 35th Street, New York, NY 10001 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2002. Reinforcements were sought from Corfu in March and other galleys were to cruise off Dalmatia for fear of the extension of the conflict, particularly a possible attack on Durazzo. In most cases, we cannot see beyond the terms and cannot know whether two authors using the same term, even in the same time period, really had the same type of ship in mind. Unger, Richard W., ‘Admiralties and warships of Europe and the Mediterranean, 1000–1500’ in Ships and Shipping in the North Sea and Atlantic,1400–1800, Aldershot, Ashgate-Variorum Press, 1997. ), Naval Accounts and Inventories of the Reign of Henry VII 1485–8 and 1495–7, London, Navy Records Society, 1896, pp. On the 22 and 25 August there were further skirmishes off Cape Papas in the last of which the Venetians did manage to take 10 galie sottil form the Turkish rear and inflict heavy casualties. The family moved to Aragon when Constanza married the Infante Peter (later Peter III). 42 C H R I S T I A N S, M U S L I M S A N D C RU S A D E R S At the level of individual seafarers and merchants, a rough, often lawless and violent, maritime community seems to have existed along the shores of the western Mediterranean. Nevertheless 30 French ships made it through the opposing forces into the safety of the harbour avoiding missiles and sunken blockships alike. The Earl of Huntingdon in 1417 took four more Genoese carracks in one three-hour engagement. As we have seen at the end of the fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries the seizing of the trading vessels and cargoes of those designated ‘enemies’ was almost routinely a feature of wider conflicts with political roots. The staff in the Reading Rooms in the old Public Record Office in Chancery Lane were a great source of encouragement and help in the early stages of my research, as also at a later stage were the staff of the British Library, the Biblioteca Marciana and the Archivio di Stato in Venice. A full translation has been published in S. Rose, ‘Henry V’s Gracedieu and mutiny at sea: some new evidence’, The Mariner’s Mirror, 63, 1977, pp. Perez-Embid, F., ‘La marina real Castellana en el siglo XIII’, Anuario de Estudios medievales, 10, 1969. He himself was then involved in discussions with Carlo Zeno, the Venetian leader on the possibility of some joint action presumably against the Turks, though the details of this are not made clear. C. Plummer), Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1885, p. 123. There are differences between northern and southern waters. 14 F.C. Here as in the earlier period the ships of the rulers of Aragon-Catalonia and of Castile confronted those of the Muslim rulers of the Maghreb and of Granada in the waters adjacent to the Straits of Gibraltar. This was made abundantly clear during the siege of Constantinople in 1453. Galleys, however, did have beaks at the prow and this feature would clearly have been of great importance when boarding. Don Juan skillfully placed his most heavily armed galleys in the center of the line and his smaller, more maneuverable galleys on the outside, where they could dominate the flanks. 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